2019年12月17日香港民意研究所發佈會 – 傳媒參考資料
發佈會回顧
民研計劃發放香港市民身分認同調查結果
特別宣佈
- 香港民意研究計劃(香港民研)前身為香港大學民意研究計劃(港大民研)。公報內的「民研計劃」指的可以是香港民研或其前身港大民研。
- 民研計劃在每年的年中及年底前,會分別發放《特區成立週年》和《年終回顧前瞻》調查系列,供大眾參考。由於香港回歸是在7月1日舉行,因此,以半年為總結的民調數字來審視香港社會的宏觀發展,可能會比以一年為總結的數字更加合適和準確。今日發放的香港市民身分認同系列是本年度的最後一次。
- 2019年尚餘發放的調查項目,有關公布日期暫定如下:
- 12月20日 (星期五) 特首及政府民望
- 12月23日 (星期一) 社會現況評價及民情指數
- 12月30日 (星期一) 年終回顧
- 民研計劃在二十八年前開展澳門研究,包括定期調查及選舉研究,希望逐步建立一套地區性的科學民意調查機制、為日後的比較研究提供數據。二十八年過後,我們希望交由公民社會決定是否繼續進行澳門調查。我們會以眾籌方式,以二十四萬元為目標,讓市民大眾尤其是澳門居民,決定是否繼續進行調查。達標的話,我們會迅速進行新的一輪調查,否則,我們會將款項撥入民研計劃的其他調查系列。
公報簡要
民研計劃於十二月初由真實訪問員以隨機抽樣電話訪問方式成功訪問了1,010名香港居民。結果顯示,以沒有涉及身分對立問題的獨立評分計,無論是按認同感、重要性或認同指數排名,「香港人」身分均繼續維持第一,之後是「亞洲人」、「世界公民」、「中華民族一分子」、「中國人」和「中華人民共和國國民」。當中,只有「中華人民共和國國民」身分認同感錄得顯著升幅,是繼上次六月中調查大跌之後回升,但仍然是六個身分之中評分最低,而其他五項身分認同感評分則沒有明顯變化。如果把「香港人」和「中國人」身分對立比較,讓市民在「香港人」、「中國人」、「香港的中國人」和「中國的香港人」四者中選擇自己認同的身分,無論是狹義或廣義地自稱為「香港人」的比率,都比同樣定義的「中國人」比率為高。另外,狹義或廣義地自稱為「香港人」的比率皆錄得1997年有紀錄以來新高,而廣義地自稱為「中國人」的比率則錄得1997年有紀錄以來新低。調查的實效回應比率為62.8%。在95%置信水平下,調查的百分比誤差不超過+/-4%,評分誤差不超過+/-2.8。
樣本資料
調查日期 | : | 4-10/12/2019 |
調查方法 | : | 由真實訪問員進行隨機抽樣電話訪問 |
訪問對象 | : | 18歲或以上操粵語的香港居民 |
成功樣本數目[1] | : | 1,010 (包括503個固網及507個手機樣本) |
實效回應比率[2] | : | 62.8% |
抽樣誤差[3] | : | 在95%置信水平下,百分比誤差不超過+/-4%,評分誤差不超過+/-2.8 |
加權方法 | : | 按照政府統計處提供的統計數字以「反覆多重加權法」作出調整。全港人口年齡及性別分佈統計數字來自《二零一八年年中人口數字》,而教育程度(最高就讀程度)及經濟活動身分統計數字則來自《香港的女性及男性 - 主要統計數字》(2018年版)。 |
[1] 數字為調查的總樣本數目,個別題目則可能只涉及次樣本。有關數字請參閱下列數表內列出的樣本數目。
[2] 民研計劃在2017年9月前以「整體回應比率」彙報樣本資料,2017年9月開始則以「實效回應比率」彙報。2018年7月,民研計劃再調整實效回應比率的計算方法,因此改變前後的回應比率不能直接比較。
[3] 此公報中所有誤差數字均以95%置信水平計算。95%置信水平,是指倘若以不同隨機樣本重複進行有關調查100次,則95次各自計算出的誤差範圍會包含人口真實數字。由於調查數字涉及抽樣誤差,傳媒引用百分比數字時,應避免使用小數點,在引用評分數字時,則可以使用一個小數點。
最新數據
關於香港市民各項身分的獨立評分數字表列如下:
調查日期 | 4-6/12/17 | 4-7/6/18 | 3-6/12/18 | 17-20/6/19 | 4-10/12/19 | 最新變化 | |
樣本數目 | 645-727 | 564-682 | 543-607 | 607-692 | 596-677 | -- | |
回應比率 | 61.0% | 56.3% | 54.6% | 58.7% | 62.8% | -- | |
最新結果[4] | 結果 | 結果 | 結果 | 結果 | 結果及誤差 | -- | |
香港人 | 認同感 | 8.27[5] | 8.54[5] | 8.34 | 8.61[5] | 8.51+/-0.18 | -0.10 |
重要性 | 7.89[5] | 8.30[5] | 8.02[5] | 8.46[5] | 8.42+/-0.18 | -0.04 | |
認同指數 | 78.9[5] | 83.0[5] | 80.8 | 84.6[5] | 82.6+/-1.9 | -2.0 | |
亞洲人 | 認同感 | 7.88 | 8.16[5] | 8.07 | 7.69[5] | 7.82+/-0.19 | +0.13 |
重要性 | 7.01[5] | 6.99 | 7.05 | 6.64[5] | 6.79+/-0.22 | +0.15 | |
認同指數 | 72.8[5] | 74.1 | 74.1 | 70.1[5] | 70.9+/-2.0 | +0.8 | |
世界公民 | 認同感 | 7.12[5] | 6.61[5] | 6.86 | 6.89 | 7.06+/-0.24 | +0.17 |
重要性 | 6.55 | 6.30 | 6.49 | 6.53 | 6.63+/-0.25 | +0.10 | |
認同指數 | 66.9 | 63.5[5] | 65.6 | 66.2 | 66.7+/-2.2 | +0.5 | |
中華民族 一分子 |
認同感 | 7.08[5] | 7.10 | 6.98 | 6.27[5] | 6.46+/-0.27 | +0.19 |
重要性 | 6.62 | 6.68 | 6.67 | 5.96[5] | 5.99+/-0.28 | +0.03 | |
認同指數 | 67.3[5] | 68.0 | 67.3 | 60.2[5] | 60.7+/-2.7 | +0.5 | |
中國人 | 認同感 | 6.89[5] | 6.89 | 6.59 | 5.87[5] | 6.12+/-0.28 | +0.26 |
重要性 | 6.64[5] | 6.67 | 6.19[5] | 5.54[5] | 5.63+/-0.28 | +0.09 | |
認同指數 | 66.0[5] | 66.6 | 62.4[5] | 55.2[5] | 57.3+/-2.8 | +2.1 | |
中華人民 共和國國民 |
認同感 | 6.00 | 5.85 | 5.91 | 4.82[5] | 5.24+/-0.29 | +0.42[5] |
重要性 | 5.83[5] | 5.68 | 5.68 | 4.79[5] | 4.99+/-0.29 | +0.20 | |
認同指數 | 58.0[5] | 56.3 | 57.1 | 46.2[5] | 49.6+/-2.8 | +3.4 |
[4] 「認同指數」計算自個別樣本之認同感評分和重要性評分的幾何平均數再乘以10。若個別樣本欠缺認同感或重要性評分之數據,則由整體認同感平均分或重要性平均分所取代。
[5] 該數字與上次調查結果的差異超過在95%置信水平的抽樣誤差,表示有關變化在統計學上表面成立。不過,變化在統計學上成立與否,並不等同有關變化是否有實際用途或意義,而不同調查的加權方法亦可能有所不同。
沒有涉及身分對立問題的獨立評分結果顯示,無論是按認同感、重要性或認同指數排名,「香港人」身分均繼續維持第一,之後是「亞洲人」、「世界公民」、「中華民族一分子」、「中國人」和「中華人民共和國國民」。認同感評分分別為8.51、7.82、7.06、6.46、6.12及5.24。重要性評分則分別為8.42、6.79、6.63、5.99、5.63及4.99。把個別樣本之認同感評分和重要性評分的幾何平均數乘以10,就得出0至100分的「認同指數」,0分代表絕不投入,100分代表絕對投入,最新數字分別為82.6、70.9、66.7、60.7、57.3及49.6。以上數字當中,只有「中華人民共和國國民」身分認同感錄得顯著升幅,是繼上次六月中調查大跌之後回升,但仍然是六個身分之中評分最低,而其他五項身分認同感評分則沒有明顯變化。
至於採自行之已久的「香港人」與「中國人」身分對立提問方式的調查結果,則表列如下:
調查日期 | 4-6/12/17 | 4-7/6/18 | 3-6/12/18 | 17-20/6/19 | 4-10/12/19 | 最新變化 |
樣本數目 | 633 | 614 | 585 | 643 | 577 | -- |
回應比率 | 61.0% | 56.3% | 54.6% | 58.7% | 62.8% | -- |
最新結果 | 結果 | 結果 | 結果 | 結果 | 結果及誤差 | -- |
自稱為「香港人」之比率 | 39% | 41% | 40% | 53%[6] | 55+/-4% | +3% |
自稱為「中國人」之比率 | 14%[6] | 18%[6] | 15% | 11%[6] | 11+/-3% | -- |
自稱「香港人」和「中國人」 混合身分之比率 |
45%[6] | 39%[6] | 43% | 36%[6] | 32+/-4% | -3% |
自認為廣義「香港人」之比率 | 68%[6] | 67% | 66% | 76%[6] | 78+/-3% | +1% |
自認為廣義「中國人」之比率 | 31% | 30% | 32% | 23%[6] | 21+/-3% | -2% |
[6] 該數字與上次調查結果的差異超過在95%置信水平的抽樣誤差,表示有關變化在統計學上表面成立。不過,變化在統計學上成立與否,並不等同有關變化是否有實際用途或意義,而不同調查的加權方法亦可能有所不同。
如果把「香港人」和「中國人」身分對立比較,讓市民在「香港人」、「中國人」、「香港的中國人」和「中國的香港人」四者中選擇自己認同的身分,有55%稱自己為「香港人」,11%自稱為「中國人」,10%自稱為「香港的中國人」,而22%則自稱為「中國的香港人」。換言之,78%認為自己是廣義的「香港人」(即回答「香港人」或「中國的香港人」),21%認為自己是廣義的「中國人」(即回答「中國人」或「香港的中國人」),32%則選擇了「香港人」和「中國人」的混合身分 (即回答「香港的中國人」或「中國的香港人」)。無論是狹義或廣義地自稱為「香港人」的比率,都比同樣定義的「中國人」比率為高。另外,狹義或廣義地自稱為「香港人」的比率皆錄得1997年有紀錄以來新高,而廣義地自稱為「中國人」的比率則錄得1997年有紀錄以來新低。
民意日誌
民研計劃於2007年開始與慧科訊業有限公司合作,由慧科訊業按照民研計劃設計的分析方法,將每日大事記錄傳送至民研計劃,經民研計劃核實後成為「民意日誌」。
由於本新聞公報所涉及的調查項目,上次調查日期為17-20/6/2019,而今次調查日期則為4-10/12/2019,因此是次公報中的「民意日誌」項目便以上述日期為依歸,讓讀者作出比較。以涵蓋率不下25%本地報章每日頭條新聞和報社評論計,在上述期間發生的相關大事包括以下事件,讀者可以自行判斷有關事件有否影響各項民調數字:
8/12/19 | 民間人權陣線指約80萬人參與國際人權日遊行 |
1/12/19 | 示威者於尖沙咀遊行 |
29/11/19 | 警察解封理工大學 |
28/11/19 | 美國總統特朗普簽署《香港人權與民主法案》 |
25/11/19 | 民主派取得大部分區議會議席 |
20/11/19 | 美國參議院通過《香港人權與民主法案》 |
19/11/19 | 警察繼續圍堵理工大學 |
19/11/19 | 《禁蒙面法》被裁定違憲 |
18/11/19 | 警察繼續圍堵理工大學 |
17/11/19 | 警察圍堵理工大學並與示威者激烈衝突 |
16/11/19 | 解放軍出動清理路障 |
15/11/19 | 示威者於理工大學留守 |
14/11/19 | 習近平就香港局勢表態 |
12/11/19 | 中文大學出現激烈警民衝突 |
11/11/19 | 交通警於西灣河開三槍擊中示威者 |
10/11/19 | 全港多區出現示威及警民衝突 |
8/11/19 | 將軍澳墮樓科大學生不治 |
1/10/19 | 中華人民共和國慶祝成立70周年 |
1/10/19 | 全港多區出現示威及警民衝突,警方在荃灣使用實彈射傷一名示威者 |
數據分析
最新調查結果顯示,以沒有涉及身分對立問題的獨立評分計,無論是按認同感、重要性或認同指數排名,「香港人」身分均繼續維持第一,之後是「亞洲人」、「世界公民」、「中華民族一分子」、「中國人」和「中華人民共和國國民」。當中,只有「中華人民共和國國民」身分認同感錄得顯著升幅,是繼上次六月中調查大跌之後回升,但仍然是六個身分之中評分最低,而其他五項身分認同感評分則沒有明顯變化。
如果把「香港人」和「中國人」身分對立比較,讓市民在「香港人」、「中國人」、「香港的中國人」和「中國的香港人」四者中選擇自己認同的身分,無論是狹義或廣義地自稱為「香港人」的比率,都比同樣定義的「中國人」比率為高。另外,狹義或廣義地自稱為「香港人」的比率皆錄得1997年有紀錄以來新高,而廣義地自稱為「中國人」的比率則錄得1997年有紀錄以來新低。
Dec 17, 2019
Hong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute Press Conference – Press Materials
Press Conference Live
POP releases survey on Hong Kong people’s ethnic identity
Special Announcements
- The predecessor of Hong Kong Public Opinion Program (HKPOP) was The Public Opinion Programme at The University of Hong Kong (HKUPOP). “POP” in this release can refer to HKPOP or its predecessor HKUPOP.
- POP’s usual practice is to issue releases before the middle and also the end of each year, under the names of “HKSAR anniversary” and “Year-end” survey series for public consumption. Because the handover of Hong Kong occurred on July 1, it may be more appropriate and accurate to analyze macro changes of Hong Kong society using half-yearly rather than yearly figures. The survey results on Hong Kong people’s ethnic identity released today belong to the last of this survey series in 2019.
- Tentative release dates of remaining survey topics in 2019 are as follows:
- December 20 (Friday) Popularity of CE and SAR Government
- December 23 (Monday) Society’s current conditions and Public Sentiment Index
- December 30 (Monday) Year-end review
- POP began our Macau studies 28 years ago, including regular surveys and election studies, in order to build up progressively a set of scientific opinion polling mechanisms in the region and to provide data for future comparative studies. After 28 years, we hope to let the civil society decide whether our Macau studies should be continued or not. We will use a crowdfunding target of $240,000 to let the general public, especially Macau citizens, make the call. If the target is met, we will quickly conduct a new round of survey, otherwise, we will spend the funds on other POP survey series.
Abstract
POP successfully interviewed 1,010 Hong Kong residents by random telephone survey conducted by real interviewers in early December. Latest results using independent rating questions that do not involve choosing one among identities show that whether in terms of strength rating, importance rating or identity index, the identity of “Hongkongers” continues to rank first, followed by “Asians”, “global citizens”, “members of the Chinese race”, “Chinese” and “citizens of the PRC”. Among them, only the strength rating of “citizens of the PRC” has increased significantly after the plunge registered last time in mid-June. Still, it has the lowest rating of the six identities. For the other five identities, no significant changes are registered in their respective ratings. If we use a dichotomy of “Hongkonger” versus “Chinese” identity and ask people to make a choice among four identities, namely, “Hongkongers”, “Chinese”, “Chinese in Hong Kong” and “Hongkongers in China”, whether in their narrow and broad senses, the proportions of people identifying themselves as “Hongkongers” outnumber those of “Chinese”. Meanwhile, the proportions of people identifying themselves as “Hongkongers” in narrow or broad senses both register historical highs since 1997, whereas those for “Chinese” in a broad sense register historical lows since 1997. The effective response rate of the survey is 62.8%. The maximum sampling error of percentages is +/-4% and that of ratings is +/-2.8 at 95% confidence level.
Contact Information
Date of survey | : | 4-10/12/2019 |
Survey method | : | Random telephone survey conducted by real interviewers |
Target population | : | Cantonese-speaking Hong Kong residents aged 18 or above |
Sample size[1] | : | 1,010 (including 503 landline and 507 mobile samples) |
Effective response rate[2] | : | 62.8% |
Sampling error[3] | : | Sampling error of percentages not more than +/-4% and that of ratings not more than +/-2.8 at 95% confidence level |
Weighting method | : | Rim-weighted according to figures provided by the Census and Statistics Department. The gender-age distribution of the Hong Kong population came from “Mid-year population for 2018”, while the educational attainment (highest level attended) distribution and economic activity status distribution came from “Women and Men in Hong Kong - Key Statistics (2018 Edition)”. |
[1] This figure is the total sample size of the survey. Some questions may only involve a subsample, the size of which can be found in the tables below.
[2] Before September 2017, “overall response rate” was used to report surveys’ contact information. Starting from September 2017, “effective response rate” was used. In July 2018, POP further revised the calculation of effective response rate. Thus, the response rates before and after the change cannot be directly compared.
[3] All error figures in this release are calculated at 95% confidence level. “95% confidence level” means that if we were to repeat a certain survey 100 times with different random samples, we would expect 95 times having the population parameter within the respective error margins calculated. Because of sampling errors, when quoting percentages, journalists should refrain from reporting decimal places, whereas one decimal place can be used when quoting rating figures.
Latest Figures
Latest figures on Hong Kong people’s ratings on different identities are tabulated as follows:
Date of survey | 4-6/12/17 | 4-7/6/18 | 3-6/12/18 | 17-20/6/19 | 4-10/12/19 | Latest change | |
Sample size | 645-727 | 564-682 | 543-607 | 607-692 | 596-677 | -- | |
Response rate | 61.0% | 56.3% | 54.6% | 58.7% | 62.8% | -- | |
Latest findings[5] | Finding | Finding | Finding | Finding | Finding & error | -- | |
Hongkongers | Strength rating | 8.27[5] | 8.54[5] | 8.34 | 8.61[5] | 8.51+/-0.18 | -0.10 |
Importance rating | 7.89[5] | 8.30[5] | 8.02[5] | 8.46[5] | 8.42+/-0.18 | -0.04 | |
Identity index | 78.9[5] | 83.0[5] | 80.8 | 84.6[5] | 82.6+/-1.9 | -2.0 | |
Asians | Strength rating | 7.88 | 8.16[5] | 8.07 | 7.69[5] | 7.82+/-0.19 | +0.13 |
Importance rating | 7.01[5] | 6.99 | 7.05 | 6.64[5] | 6.79+/-0.22 | +0.15 | |
Identity index | 72.8[5] | 74.1 | 74.1 | 70.1[5] | 70.9+/-2.0 | +0.8 | |
Global citizens | Strength rating | 7.12[5] | 6.61[5] | 6.86 | 6.89 | 7.06+/-0.24 | +0.17 |
Importance rating | 6.55 | 6.30 | 6.49 | 6.53 | 6.63+/-0.25 | +0.10 | |
Identity index | 66.9 | 63.5[5] | 65.6 | 66.2 | 66.7+/-2.2 | +0.5 | |
Members of the Chinese race | Strength rating | 7.08[5] | 7.10 | 6.98 | 6.27[5] | 6.46+/-0.27 | +0.19 |
Importance rating | 6.62 | 6.68 | 6.67 | 5.96[5] | 5.99+/-0.28 | +0.03 | |
Identity index | 67.3[5] | 68.0 | 67.3 | 60.2[5] | 60.7+/-2.7 | +0.5 | |
Chinese | Strength rating | 6.89[5] | 6.89 | 6.59 | 5.87[5] | 6.12+/-0.28 | +0.26 |
Importance rating | 6.64[5] | 6.67 | 6.19[5] | 5.54[5] | 5.63+/-0.28 | +0.09 | |
Identity index | 66.0[5] | 66.6 | 62.4[5] | 55.2[5] | 57.3+/-2.8 | +2.1 | |
Citizens of the PRC |
Strength rating | 6.00 | 5.85 | 5.91 | 4.82[5] | 5.24+/-0.29 | +0.42[5] |
Importance rating | 5.83[5] | 5.68 | 5.68 | 4.79[5] | 4.99+/-0.29 | +0.20 | |
Identity index | 58.0[5] | 56.3 | 57.1 | 46.2[5] | 49.6+/-2.8 | +3.4 |
[4] “Identity index” is calculated for each respondent by taking the geometric mean of the strength and importance ratings and then multiplied by 10. If either the strength or importance rating of a respondent is missing, it is substituted by the sample mean.
[5] The difference between the figure and the result from the previous survey has gone beyond the sampling error at 95% confidence level, meaning that the change is statistically significant prima facie. However, whether the difference is statistically significant is not the same as whether they are practically useful or meaningful, and different weighting methods could have been applied in different surveys.
Results of independent rating questions that do not involve choosing one among identities show that whether in terms of strength rating, importance rating or identity index, the identity of “Hongkongers” continues to rank first, followed by “Asians”, “global citizens”, “members of the Chinese race”, “Chinese” and “citizens of the PRC”. The strength ratings are 8.51, 7.82, 7.06, 6.46, 6.12 and 5.24 respectively, while the importance ratings are 8.42, 6.79, 6.63, 5.99, 5.63 and 4.99 respectively. Taking the geometric mean of the strength and importance ratings of each respondent and then multiply it by 10, we have an “identity index” between 0 and 100, with 0 meaning no feeling and 100 meaning extremely strong feeling. The latest figures are 82.6, 70.9, 66.7, 60.7, 57.3 and 49.6 respectively. Among the figures mentioned above, only the strength rating of “citizens of the PRC” has increased significantly after the plunge registered last time in mid-June. Still, it has the lowest rating of the six identities. For the other five identities, no significant changes are registered in their respective ratings.
As for the results from the survey mode used for long on Hong Kong people’s sense of ethnic identity, latest figures are tabulated as follows:
Date of survey | 4-6/12/17 | 4-7/6/18 | 3-6/12/18 | 17-20/6/19 | 4-10/12/19 | Latest change |
Sample size | 633 | 614 | 585 | 643 | 577 | -- |
Response rate | 61.0% | 56.3% | 54.6% | 58.7% | 62.8% | -- |
Latest findings | Finding | Finding | Finding | Finding | Finding & error | -- |
Identified as “Hongkongers” | 39% | 41% | 40% | 53%[6] | 55+/-4% | +3% |
Identified as “Chinese” | 14%[6] | 18%[6] | 15% | 11%[6] | 11+/-3% | -- |
Identified with a mixed identity of “Hongkongers” and “Chinese” | 45%[6] | 39%[6] | 43% | 36%[6] | 32+/-4% | -3% |
Identified as “Hongkongers” in broad sense |
68%[6] | 67% | 66% | 76%[6] | 78+/-3% | +1% |
Identified as “Chinese” in broad sense |
31% | 30% | 32% | 23%[6] | 21+/-3% | -2% |
[6] The difference between the figure and the result from the previous survey has gone beyond the sampling error at 95% confidence level, meaning that the change is statistically significant prima facie. However, whether the difference is statistically significant is not the same as whether they are practically useful or meaningful, and different weighting methods could have been applied in different surveys.
If we use a dichotomy of “Hongkonger” versus “Chinese” identity and ask people to make a choice among four identities, namely, “Hongkongers”, “Chinese”, “Chinese in Hong Kong” and “Hongkongers in China”, 55% identified themselves as “Hongkongers”, 11% as “Chinese”, 10% as “Chinese in Hong Kong” and 22% as “Hongkongers in China”. In other words, 78% identified themselves as “Hongkongers” in a broad sense (i.e. either as “Hongkongers” or “Hongkongers in China”), 21% identified themselves as “Chinese” in a broad sense (i.e. either as “Chinese” or “Chinese in Hong Kong”), while 32% chose a mixed identity of “Hongkongers” and “Chinese” (i.e. either as “Chinese in Hong Kong” or “Hongkongers in China”). Whether in their narrow and broad senses, the proportions of people identifying themselves as “Hongkongers” outnumber those of “Chinese”. Meanwhile, the proportions of people identifying themselves as “Hongkongers” in narrow or broad senses both register historical highs since 1997, whereas those for “Chinese” in a broad sense register historical lows since 1997.
Opinion Daily
In 2007, POP started collaborating with Wisers Information Limited whereby Wisers supplies to POP a record of significant events of that day according to the research method designed by POP. These daily entries would then become “Opinion Daily” after they are verified by POP.
For the polling items covered in this press release, the previous survey was conducted from 17 to 20 June, 2019 while this survey was conducted from 4 to 10 December, 2019. During this period, herewith the significant events selected from counting newspaper headlines and commentaries on a daily basis and covered by at least 25% of the local newspaper articles. Readers can make their own judgment if these significant events have any impacts to different polling figures.
8/12/19 | The Civil Human Rights Front announces that around eight hundred thousand people participated in the International Human Rights Day protest. |
1/12/19 | Protesters march along Tsim Sha Tsui. |
29/11/19 | The police end its siege of the Hong Kong Polytechnic University. |
28/11/19 | US President Donald Trump signs the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act. |
25/11/19 | The pro-democracy camp wins a majority of seats in the District Councils. |
20/11/19 | The US Senate passes the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act. |
19/11/19 | The police continue to surround the Hong Kong Polytechnic University. |
19/11/19 | The anti-mask law is ruled to be unconstitutional. |
18/11/19 | The police continue to surround the Hong Kong Polytechnic University. |
17/11/19 | The police surround the Hong Kong Polytechnic University and clash violently with protesters. |
16/11/19 | The People’s Liberation Army clears roadblocks. |
15/11/19 | Protesters stay in the Hong Kong Polytechnic University. |
14/11/19 | Xi Jinping expresses his views on Hong Kong. |
12/11/19 | Violent conflicts between protestors and the police occur in the Chinese University of Hong Kong. |
11/11/19 | A traffic policeman fires three live rounds at a protester. |
10/11/19 | Protests and conflicts between protestors and the police occur in multiple districts in Hong Kong. |
8/11/19 | HKUST student who fell from height in Tseung Kwan O passes away. |
1/10/19 | The People’s Republic of China celebrates its 70th anniversary. |
1/10/19 | Protests and conflicts between protestors and the police occur in multiple districts in Hong Kong, the police shoots a protester with a live bullet in Tsuen Wan. |
Data Analysis
Latest results using independent rating questions that do not involve choosing one among identities show that whether in terms of strength rating, importance rating or identity index, the identity of “Hongkongers” continues to rank first, followed by “Asians”, “global citizens”, “members of the Chinese race”, “Chinese” and “citizens of the PRC”. Among them, only the strength rating of “citizens of the PRC” has increased significantly after the plunge registered last time in mid-June. Still, it has the lowest rating of the six identities. For the other five identities, no significant changes are registered in their respective ratings.
If we use a dichotomy of “Hongkonger” versus “Chinese” identity and ask people to make a choice among four identities, namely, “Hongkongers”, “Chinese”, “Chinese in Hong Kong” and “Hongkongers in China”, whether in their narrow and broad senses, the proportions of people identifying themselves as “Hongkongers” outnumber those of “Chinese”. Meanwhile, the proportions of people identifying themselves as “Hongkongers” in narrow or broad senses both register historical highs since 1997, whereas those for “Chinese” in a broad sense register historical lows since 1997.